陈莉, 潘海华. 单调性与“都”的极项允准功能[J]. 外国语, 2020, 43(3): 14-24.
引用本文: 陈莉, 潘海华. 单调性与“都”的极项允准功能[J]. 外国语, 2020, 43(3): 14-24.
CHEN Li, PAN Haihua. The Monotonicity and Polarity Items Licensing of Dou[J]. Journal of Foreign Languages, 2020, 43(3): 14-24.
Citation: CHEN Li, PAN Haihua. The Monotonicity and Polarity Items Licensing ofDou[J].Journal of Foreign Languages, 2020, 43(3): 14-24.

单调性与“都”的极项允准功能

The Monotonicity and Polarity Items Licensing ofDou

  • 摘要:各种类型的"都"字句均能允准极项,已有的研究直接放弃普遍极项理论,将"都"的极项允准功能看成汉语独特的现象,我们不同意前人的观点。本文认为"都"作为全称量词,与其他语言的全称量词一样,能够构造全称量化的语义结构,引出具有向下衍推性质的量化域,"都"和汉语极项的关系可以抽象为逻辑层面的向下衍推性质和极项的允准关系,这一所谓汉语独特的现象就可以被纳入普遍极项理论的解释范围内。由此,"都"的极项允准功能不仅不是汉语对普遍极项理论的挑战,反而是从语言类型学的角度对普遍极项理论的有力支持。

    Abstract:The reason why adverb doucan license Chinese polarity items including wh-phrases to its left but not to its right has yet to receive sufficient attention in the literature. The existing studies all take it as a Chinese specific phenomenon and constituting a potential problem to the downward entailment (DE) approach to polarity items. This paper, however, argues against this view. We claim that the crucial licensing condition for Chinese polarity items in sentences with adverb douis the same as that in English, namely that polarity items are licensed by the DE property of the sentences containing them. Under the universal quantification view of douwith its restriction downward entailing and its nuclear scope upward entailing, we can provide a natural account of the fact that dousentences only license polarity items to its left not to its right, as only the part to the left functions as the restriction of the universal quantifier dou, consistent with the DE approach. The douas a universal quantifier analysis not only allows us to account for the co-occurrence of douand polarity items in Mandarin Chinese under the DE approach, but it also provides strong support for the DE approach to polarity items cross-linguistically.

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